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Would it be only the police, and only in specific situations, or would it be public officers from Revenue Canada in other situations? This bill is so badly written that, unfortunately, the main victims who will be denied justice will be victims of bullying. Is that really what the Conservative government wants? Speaker, I want to thank my colleague, a hard-working member, whom I know is stellar in his service to his constituents. He does amazing work here in the House as well. This bill is all about politics. It is about playing politics. We have parts of a bill that the current government said would never come forward again, and elements of that bill in Bill C right now that are from Bill C If this bill were separated, we could have passed it months ago.

That concerns me. However, once again, the Conservatives would rather bury things that get into invasion of privacy. Even the mother, in one of our most tragic deaths, says that this bill goes too far. Speaker, it is my pleasure today to rise and speak on a motion that I believe to be critical, so it saddens me that I will have to speak against it. Let me give a bit of perspective. In that regard, I want to congratulate my colleague from Dartmouth—Cole Harbour , who introduced Bill C in , following the tragic death of Amanda Todd and other victims of cyberbullying, including Rehtaeh Parsons.

These deaths moved the nation. I would say that the feelings across the country were palpable. It did not matter whether one lived on the west coast, on the Prairies, or on the east coast; families right across Canada lived the pain that those families went through. The bill put forward by my colleague was a fairly reasonable one. As members know, at that time the Conservatives introduced legislation as well, Bill C Bill C was from the minister of the day, who is no longer in the House.

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  • There was a huge, almost unprecedented reaction to that bill, especially through social media. That bill was rejected not only by the NDP, based on what was included in it, but also by privacy advocates and the public. That reaction forced the Conservative Party to back away from it. I can remember some of the rhetoric from that time when it backed away from that legislation, which was ill thought out and an absolute invasion of privacy. At that time, I can remember hearing commitment from the government side that any attempts to modernize the Criminal Code would not contain the measures contained in Bill C Now here we are on Bill C There are parts of this legislation that the official opposition heartily and happily supports.

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    On more than one occasion we have suggested to the government that if it is serious about taking action on cyberbullying, it should separate the bill. We offered to expedite it through the House. It would have been law already. However, once again I find the party sitting across from this side playing games with a very sensitive issue, producing a bill that has some good parts to it that we want to support but then throwing in parts that it knows will make it difficult for us to support the bill.

    The NDP is never scared of hard work, whether it comes to standing up to speak on issues in the House and taking up allocated time spots, and normally filling in even for the government side because it does not take up all its speaking slots, or when it comes to committee work. In order to make this bill palatable and make it go through the House, the opposition put forward 37 amendments. They were all reasonable amendments that would have added some balance to the bill. What is shocking is that the government did the same as it has done on bill after bill. It was its way or no way.

    It rejected every single one of those amendments. The Canadian Bar Association came to present as well. I am not talking about a radical group here. I am talking about lawyers. It put forward 19 possible amendments to the bill, but not one of those amendments was taken into consideration. Once again, the Conservatives are trying to bury things in a bill so they can get their agenda through, but at the same time they are trying to bury some legislation that is absolutely needed.

    I have been a teacher all of my life. I am also a mother and a grandmother. The world has changed for our children. They are spending more time on the Internet or attached to their cell phones, although many of us are guilty of that too. They are socializing differently as well.

    We have to look at modernizing the way we see bullying.


    It is no longer just about bullying in the playground, where a child is bullied physically or verbally, face-to-face. Cyberbullying allows for a certain amount of anonymity. We have seen the tragic results of that kind of bullying. We have seen its impact on young people. It is upsetting for me today to speak against a bill that contains a component that I support. I would urge my colleagues across the way to take a second and consider that we could have the cyberbullying component in the bill turned into legislation quickly.

    We need to get off the ideological idea that we cannot have a simple bill that deals with one issue. We have to get off the ideological idea that other stuff has to be thrown in to get the ideological agenda done. It also gives those members an opportunity to stand up later and say that the NDP voted against this. Daniel Therrien. Bill C had some flaws and, just as Bill C , needed to be examined more thoroughly, in my opinion. Do you feel that Bill C was balanced? Those three departments are trying to obtain personal data and information on Canadians.

    In your capacity as Assistant Deputy Attorney General, were you asked to provide your opinion and advice regarding Bill C introduced by Minister Toews? Thanks for having me, and thank you for this opportunity to speak before the committee regarding Bill C I'm Steve Anderson, the executive director of OpenMedia. We're a community-based organization working to safeguard the open Internet. As you may know, OpenMedia. Nearly , Canadians took part in that campaign. Last year we started the Protect Our Privacy coalition, which is the largest pro-privacy coalition in Canadian history, with over 50 organizations from across Canada.

    You know you've hit on a common Canadian value when you have groups ranging from the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, the Council of Canadians, to small businesses, to labour unions, all joining forces on this issue of privacy. As it stands, we have a privacy deficit in Canada, and I'm afraid that Bill C will only deepen that deficit. I believe this privacy deficit is the result of a democratic deficit. If the government, including members of this committee, were listening to the concerns of Canadians, there is no way you would be paving the way for a range of authorities to have increased warrantless access to our sensitive private information.

    To help bring the concerns of Canadians to this committee, I have crowd-sourced this presentation for you today. I asked Canadians online what they thought I should say, and I have done my best to incorporate their input into my presentation. I'll reference them from time to time. I'll confine my presentation to the lawful access portion, as that is where Canadians have expressed the most concern and I think where I personally also have the most concern. The Canadians I spoke to had three main concerns: first, immunity for activities that victimize innocent Canadians; second, accountability and oversight; and third, data security.

    On immunity, which I'll talk about first, Bill C in its current form provides communications companies that hand over sensitive information about innocent Canadians with absolute immunity from criminal and civil liability. Recent revelations show that the government agencies made 1. After learning of this, Canadians have been looking for more safeguards rather than weakening privacy safeguards. At the moment, an unlimited swath of information can be accessed by a simple phone call to an Internet service provider. Government agencies don't even need to provide a written request, and we are told that some agencies even refuse to put their requests in writing to avoid a paper trail.

    This extrajudicial practice works, because there is a loophole that allows authorities to obtain voluntary warrantless access to law-abiding Canadians' sensitive information. The disclosure immunity provided in Bill C will make the privacy loophole even bigger by removing one of the few incentives for telecom companies to safeguard our data from warrantless disclosures. Canadian citizen, Gord Tomlin, had this to say on the matter via Facebook:.

    If 'authorities' need information, they can get a warrant. It's not onerous, it's one of the checks and balances that is supposed to protect our system from abuse. Danielle had this to say on the OpenMedia. If accessing an individual's private information is not arbitrary but is justifiable, then a warrant can be obtained. Otherwise, it is expected that the law [will] protect us from privacy violations Providing telecom companies who engage in extrajudicial disclosure of Canadians' sensitive information is encouraging moral hazard. It's encouraging reckless and irresponsible behaviour.

    Canadians find it troubling that Bill C makes little effort to keep government agencies transparent and accountable. Most shockingly, there is no requirement that officials notify those innocent Canadians who have had their data stored in government databases. The lack of knowledge and consent by those victimized through surveillance and warrantless disclosure is frustrating to many Canadians. I would like to see a requirement that persons whose data has been accessed, be informed of this fact and that there be a major penalty We're talking about the collection of data—and let's be clear about this—that can reveal political and religious affiliations, medical conditions, the types of activities we engage in online and offline, and whom we socialize with.

    This is incredibly invasive stuff. On the topic of accountability, several people also highlighted the costs associated with these data transfers and that they would have to pay for them, and that it would limit our digital economy. On data security concerns, many Canadians are concerned with how secure data will be once authorities expand their collection through the measures in Bill C Given recent breaches at federal offices—the CRA and student loans, for example—many Canadians question if we can trust government authorities to properly protect their data from cybercriminals and identity thieves.

    One person online said: The federal government, and indeed the vague category of 'public officials,' has a poor track record of protecting private information already. It's common occurrence in the Canadian news environment to hear about some government agency or officials losing the confidential information of Canadians such as last March's revelation the government had lost the student loan information of nearly , Canadians.

    Broadening the powers of officials to access this information only increases the danger that confidential information will end up in the wrong hands. Bill C also problematically expands the bureaucrats and agencies that can access our private information, including CSEC and CSIS, which are currently facing their own crisis of accountability, given the recent Snowden disclosures. I fail to see how that is connected to cyberbullying at all. Bill C does not, in its current form, provide effective measures to increase transparency, accountability, or reporting on warrantless access to private data.

    In sum, I recommend that this committee remove the telecom immunity and weakening warrant standards, while adding new reporting and accountability measures to this bill. I also want to join the growing numbers calling for you to split the bill up so that we can move on the cyberbullying portion, which I think there is growing consensus around, minus some reforms, and have a proper debate on lawful access. The lawful access section is not connected to cyberbullying.

    I don't think that connection has been made for Canadians in nearly enough detail. I also think it's worth repeating what Carol Todd, the mother of cyberbullying victim Amanda Todd, told this committee. She said:. I don't want to see our children victimized again by losing privacy rights. I am troubled by some of these provisions condoning the sharing of the privacy information of Canadians without proper legal process. I think both those on the front lines of law enforcement and Canadians want authorities to have the tools tailored to bringing a variety of criminals to justice.

    What this bill does at the moment is unnecessarily combine some of those tools with unpopular mechanisms that encourage mass disclosure of sensitive information.

    Paul Seftel

    These people have no criminal record of any kind. Many have their information stored due to simply having suffered a mental health issue. I'd also consider that a Canadian named Diane is one of more than Canadians who recently came forward to say that their personal or professional lives have been ruined despite never having broken the law.

    Because information about them has been wrongfully disclosed to third parties—in Diane's case, her employer. Now consider the fact that in recent years federal government agencies alone have seen over 3, breaches of highly sensitive private information of Canadians. Consider also that this has affected an estimated , people. In Diane's case, she was the victim of a false accusation, which was withdrawn years ago, yet it continues to affect her career.

    Diane's response after being victimized by this privacy intrusion and having her professional life unfairly curtailed was, unsurprisingly, disbelief, shock, and anger. Now imagine that Diane was your family member or someone you know. You don't need to put them at risk like this. You can choose to split up the bill and make the necessary reforms whilst dealing with cyberbullying.

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    Why should Canadian victims be re-victimized by violations to their privacy? Why should those with mental health issues need to live in fear? They don't. Canadians, including some of the government's biggest supporters, whom I'm working with closely on this matter, are wondering why the government is deepening our privacy deficit when other countries are beginning to rein in surveillance.

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    They're wondering why you're mismanaging our data security. See context Marian K. We hope that our input today will assist you in understanding how the draft provisions would function, if they're implemented, and of course in understanding what constitutional or charter issues may arise. We are proposing numerous amendments that all have one of two main goals. Our first goal is to ensure that only truly intentional cyberbullying is prosecuted, and our second is to ensure that privacy interests are protected when data is seized.

    Our written submission provides many details that we will not be able to cover today. What I will do now is give highlights of our recommendations on cyberbullying, on lawful access, and on the Competition Act. First with respect to cyberbullying, as you know, the bill criminalizes a particular form of cyberbullying, which is the non-consensual distribution of intimate images.

    Distribution of sexual images of children is already prohibited by the child pornography provisions by the code, but the new section In the CBA's view, this new offence is better suited to dealing with youth cyberbullying than using the child pornography provisions for youth conduct. We're recommending some amendments that would more closely restrict the new offence to situations of truly intentional bullying.

    We echo Mr. Spratt's concern about the current wording of proposed section That could, in our view, criminalize conduct that is merely careless, and carelessness is an aspect of youth behaviour. Prosecuting someone who does not have the knowledge or intent required for a criminal offence would be a violation of section 7 of the charter. In our written submission, at page 5 of the English version, we give an example of an adult distribution of images that would constitute reckless or careless conduct, but which is probably not the aim of this legislation.

    Because there are scenarios in which carelessness or reckless distribution under the current wording could incur criminal liability, we're recommending two specific changes to the wording. It's a much more specific formulation of intent. So we would take out the alternative of recklessness. In our view, those two amendments would ensure that only the distribution of images with a malicious intent would be prosecuted and would ensure that young people are not prosecuted for their merely careless or thoughtless distribution of images.

    I'll turn now to our key submissions regarding lawful access. Seven of the eight main lawful access powers in this bill rest with the judiciary; that is to say that seven of those eight powers consist of judicial orders or warrants. The one exception is the preservation demand by an officer, whereby data is not seized without judicial authorization but is simply ordered to be held, so that it cannot be deleted, for a period of time.

    So there is no warrantless seizure provision under this proposed regime, but the CBA recognizes that the issue of privacy in data is much broader than these particular Criminal Code seizure provisions. As we've heard from other presenters, perhaps the greatest concern is about law enforcement's obtaining data through the cooperation of service providers without the use of any of the eight powers that are covered in Bill C We feel it's important to comment that even if the lawful access provisions in Bill C are made perfect, this will not eliminate arguments that PIPEDA and the other privacy acts perhaps should be more strictly applied.

    Even the very best drafted Criminal Code provisions will not diminish the arguments that voluntary cooperation between service providers and law enforcement should be more closely monitored. Because of that bigger picture, two of the CBA's recommendations are quite broad.

    Our recommendation 8, at page 12 of our written submission, is that a single entity be created to monitor the impact of the seizure, retention, and use of personal information by Canadian law enforcement agencies. Our recommendation 17, at page 24 of the English version of our written submission, is that the federal government conduct an independent comprehensive review of privacy interests in the context of electronic investigations. Those sound very broad, but we're in a new world here. We're at a perfect storm of legal change and technological change, and it's no wonder that we're having difficulty with it.

    Given the bill that you have to work with today, in our written submission we make several specific recommendations for amendments. We believe that three amendments in particular are key to avoiding violations of privacy interests under section 8 of the charter. Our recommendation 9, at page 14 of the English version of our written submission, is that the officers' preservation demand, which is section Our recommendation 14, at page 19 of the English version, is that the threshold for a transmission data production order—and that's section Similarly, our recommendation 15, at page 20 of the English version, is that the threshold for a transmission data recorder warrant, section I'm going to say a few more words about transmission data.

    Our understanding is that it's not the same thing as metadata, which we understand to be data left by web browsing that can be located on a personal computer that is seized under a search warrant. We understand transmission data, as defined in this bill, to include not the contents of the communication, but only its origin and destination, direction, duration, time and date, size, and the protocol and type of the communication.

    That limited definition is very important because intercepting the contents of a private communication actually is a criminal offence under section of the Criminal Code, unless a wiretap authorization is in place. Bill C cannot entail monitoring of the content of private communications. I don't want to overlook the so-called immunity section, but unfortunately our working group did not discuss it in detail or make written recommendations about it.

    You've heard from other speakers about the terms of that section. All we can recommend is that you look closely and comparatively at the proposed section You'll see in that section that there is full civil immunity only for people who assist where there is either a judicial authorization or an interception in exigent circumstances. It's a more limited option for immunity. Speaker, I want to thank my colleagues for allowing me the time to do this. I also want to thank my colleague, the Liberal member of Parliament for Charlottetown , who did an extensive amount of work on this, as well as the member of Parliament for Malpeque and the member of Parliament for Mount Royal.

    The enactment would amend the Criminal Code to provide most notably for a new offence of non-consensual distribution of intimate images. As well, there would complementary amendments to authorize the removal of such images from the Internet and the recovery of the expenses incurred to obtain the removal of images, the forfeiture of property used in the commission of the offence, a recognizance order to be issued to prevent the distribution of such images, and restriction of the use of a computer or the Internet by a convicted offender. We are talking about the power to make preservation demands and orders to compel the preservation of electronic evidence, new production orders to compel the production of data relating to the transmission of communications and the location of transactions, individuals or things.

    A warrant that would extend the current investigative power for data associated with telephones to transmission data relating to all means of telecommunications, or warrants that would be associated with telephones and the like, as I mentioned, a streamlined process of obtaining warrants and orders related to an authorization to intercept private communications by ensuring that those warrants and orders could be issued by a judge who would issue the authorization and by specifying that all documents relating to a request for a related warrant or order would be automatically subject to the same rules respecting confidentiality as the request for authorization.

    Last, it would also amend the Competition Act to make applicable for the purpose of enforcing certain provisions of the act the new provisions being added to the Criminal Code respecting demands and orders for the preservation of computer data and orders for the production of documents related to the transmission or communications of financial data. It would also amend the Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Act to make some of the new investigative powers being added to the Criminal Code available to Canadian authorities executing incoming requests for assistance and to allow the Commissioner of Competition to execute search warrants under the Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Act that I spoke of earlier.

    There are some messages that we would like to put out there regarding this. This has been a long time coming. It was first introduced in the House on November 20, Cyberbullying is a scourge upon our society, as we all know, and has been evidenced certainly in the last two or three years. This is a problem not just in Canada but around the world.

    The party is supportive, in principle, of legislative measures that would provide law enforcement with additional tools to combat cyberbullying. We believe, however, that legislative measures alone are insufficient to combat cyberbullying and we urge the government to commit to a broader, more holistic strategy to deal with cyberbullying that would also include public awareness resources for both parents and kids to allow them to see the signs of cyberbullying which they probably would not recognize under normal circumstances.

    We introduced cyberbullying legislation last session that would have modified some Criminal Code offences to cover modern technology, as is done in C , which the Conservatives and the NDP voted down. The Liberals introduced legislation that would have addressed new technologies back in The Conservative government is only figuring out now that police forces need these tools to keep up with technologies that are increasingly a part of today's crime. We believe that a balance must be struck between civil liberties and public safety, particularly when it comes to warrants that may be intrusive and overboard.

    We do not support the measures that were in Bill C , which even the government had to withdraw because of the outrage some time ago. Some of the bill would duplicate the rejected Bill C , such as word for word reproductions of the changes, subsection We are very concerned about efforts to reintroduce lawful access, which the Conservatives promised was dead at the time. That is not necessarily the case now. Though the title is the protecting Canadians from online crime act, nobody is actually protected under this act.

    In typical fashion, this is all about punishment rather than prevention. Complex problems like cyberbullying require more than blunt editions to the Criminal Code. This omnibus bill touches everything from terrorism to telemarketing, cable stealing to hate speech, and is an affront to both democracy and the legislative process in the omnibus form that has been in going on in for quite some time.

    We have seen that through the budget bills and a lot of the legislation that has passed through the House, so we can only assume that this type of pattern will continue with this legislation. Therefore, we support the motion to have the bill split and the provisions relating to cyberbullying be contained in a stand-alone bill at committee. The first is an amendment that would provide for a statutory review of elements of the bill, including the voluntary disclosure provisions.

    The sunset clause is a part of a law statute and we can repeal the law part over a specified time period. The second is an amendment that would require an actual basis a report by telecoms detailing the volume of information being disclosed without a warrant. As we mentioned earlier, we talked about the splitting of this bill, and we certainly feel this is a way to go. This would be the most responsible thing to do in light of the omnibus nature of this legislation.

    I believe that by doing this, we would be taking a principled and responsible approach. Again, I go back to our original message of cyberbullying, which is a scourge on our society. What we can do in the House is reflect by looking at stand-alone legislation dealing with that. Basically, by making this a stand-alone provision, it would go a long way in enhancing the debate. Given the fact that we have had so much debate in the past, so much opposition and that there has been so much talk in the public realm about this legislation, this is something we can support.

    That it be an instruction to the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights that, during its consideration of Bill C, An Act to amend the Criminal Code, the Canada Evidence Act, the Competition Act and the Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Act, the Committee be granted the power to divide the Bill into two bills: the first consisting of clauses 2 to 7 and 27, related to cyberbullying; and the second bill containing all the other provisions of Bill C As the saying goes, if at first you don't succeed, try, try again.

    After second reading stage of Bill C , it seemed clear to me that it would be best to divide the bill because the bill had strayed from what it was meant to address, which is cyberbullying. It does much more than that. This bill has some 50 clauses, but barely seven or eight clauses on cyberbullying. The issues it addresses vary. Members must understand why it is important to remove clauses 2 to 7 and 27 from the bill so that we can finish studying them right away. The rest of the clauses need to be studied much more carefully, as many people are telling us.

    I made the request subsequent to a motion that did not receive the required unanimous consent of the House. I am trying again because we are now studying different parts in committee and have additional information. Unfortunately, it is unlikely that we will be able to keep working much longer because the government has indicated that it wants the bill passed before the end of this session.

    That concerns me because there are not many meetings left. There are still many, many people who want to testify. I would hate to hear that the process is going to be fast-tracked for the most contentious clauses on terrorist activities, telemarketing and theft of a communication service. That is what I suspect will happen so that clauses 2 to 7 and 27 get passed. The bill also includes some of the provisions from Bill C There is also the issue of privacy and the fact that Canadians have already overwhelmingly rejected the provisions contained in Bill C There is also a series of concerns about which of the provisions where included in Bill C , which ones were set aside, which ones were put back in with slight changes, and what kinds of changes are needed.

    These are very specialized provisions. They are so specialized that it is rather odd in committee. Parents of victims are there on certain days. At those times we are truly reminded of why Bill C was supposedly introduced. It completely changes how the committee works. The next day, the witnesses might be cyber experts or police representatives. I do not think this request is crazy or illogical.

    It makes sense. I have a hard time understanding the government's insistence on passing a bill that contains provisions that are not necessarily widely accepted or that have not been approved by even a small segment of the Canadian public. The mother of one victim, Amanda Todd, made statements to the committee that some found incredible. These two concepts are extremely important. I am not saying that we should reject the provisions in Bill C that deal with access to the private data of some individuals in this context. We have to recognize just how important this is and give it the thorough study it merits, the way it should be done.

    We have not done that kind of analysis in a long time. The committee received a letter, and I would like to read parts of it that I find particularly persuasive. I am not the only one calling for the bill to be divided in two, as we have asked in the motion. The letter was addressed to the committee chair, the very competent member for Burlington , and came from Ontario's Information and Privacy Commissioner, whose stance is echoed by many of her counterparts. I would like to read parts of the letter because she puts a fine point on why we are making this request:.

    As the Information and Privacy Commissioner of Ontario, I am writing you to assist the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights in fulfilling its duty to ensure that Canadians have both effective law enforcement and rigorous privacy protections. To find the most compelling testimony on this point, you need look no further than to the statement made before your committee on May 13, As you know, these are the words of Carol Todd, whose daughter Amanda took her own life after being shamelessly bullied and abused by a person yet to be brought to justice.

    The federal government, this Committee, and Parliament as a whole each owe families like the Todd's, as well as all Canadians, their best thinking about both privacy and safety. The fact that over the last decade, the government has repeatedly failed to pass legislation updating police surveillance powers is a sad testimony to the government's failure to honour Canadians' reasonable expectation that they deserve and can have both. The time for dressing up overreaching surveillance powers in the sheep-like clothing of sanctimony about the serious harms caused by child pornography and cyberbullying is long past.

    In my view, the government should immediately split Bill C and move ahead quickly to deal with those provisions of the bill that directly address the proposed new offence of non-consensual distribution of intimate images In the meantime, the remaining surveillance-oriented provisions of Bill C—some 46 of its 53 pages—should be withdrawn and redrafted.

    This work should be approached with reasoned thought and without imposing a time constraint—as this government so often does with everything it introduces in the House—so that we can arrive at and draft good provisions. This is not a trivial matter. We are dealing with people's privacy. The goal here is to stop crimes, but that does not mean giving carte blanche to the government and police forces to do whatever they want, however they want, whenever they want.

    There are rules. However, in Bill C , those rules are not very clear, and experts do not seem to agree on them. The rules need to be studied and possibly amended, and that will not happen with Bill C as presented in the House and in committee, or with the deadlines imposed on us, or with the commitments by the minister and his government to have this bill passed before the summer break.

    It is absolutely cruel, when I see the list of all those who asked to be heard, including experts from across the country. They wanted to be heard on the issue so that we can give our law enforcement agencies the best tools to do their work properly, while respecting Canadians's right to privacy. Canadians also have the right to be protected by the government.

    They are already protected by the charter. It has already been noted that Bill C does not include anything on wiretapping. Under the Criminal Code, a person must be notified that they were wiretapped. What is more, there is absolutely nothing in Bill C to indicate that the person concerned has to be notified that some of their information and data has been shared.

    There needs to be some sort of mechanism to inform a person that their data has been shared. There is the issue of immunity that was given to the telecommunications companies. The real goal of Bill C was to penalize behaviours that have to do with the distribution of intimate images. That is all. Clauses 2 to 7 and 27 have to do with crime related to the distribution of intimate images. That is not the only form of cyberbullying.

    VR as a rapidly developing technology, a fascinating promise for the film industry and an enormous challenge. On Opening of the "Sound of Music World" on Directed by Virgil Widrich. City 46 — Bremen www. In the presence of Virgil Widrich, director. Premiere of "Icon Island — a live battle of pictures and sounds" on Produced on behalf of Valletta European Capital of Culture. Icon Island — a live battle of pictures and sounds. Together with Martin Reinhart she is the master mind behind the "Data Loam" project which deals with new concepts for knowledge systems that are designed to embody a critical intermediality of objects, facts, materials, ephemera, technology and matter.

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    W:OW India 4. Split Fim Festival — Croatia www. Completion of the third version of the screenplay of "Micromeo". Cartoon Club — Rimini — Italia www. Friday, River Film Festival — Padua — Italy riverfilmfestival. Underground Film Fest — Ancona, Italien www. Responsive design allows adaptation to all output media. Data Loam. European Film Festival — Leskovacki kulturni centar — Serbia euinfo. Azores Fringe Festival — Azores — Portugal www.

    Animation Day in Cannes Accolade — Cannes www. Arash T. Fachhochschule St. Praha — Anifilm — Czech Republic www. Bolzano Filmfestival — Bozen filmfestival. Presentation of a case study for the screenplay development of "Night of a Hours" which was carried out partly within Sources2. Hotel Ecluse, Luxembourg, 4. Krimitage — Kommunales Kino Esslingen — Germany www.

    Lecture at "Diagonale im Dialog": Virgil Widrich filmmaker and Christian Berger camera present film excerpts and unpublished material from the spectacular making of Night of the Hours. Gaming and VR meets cinema. Free entrance, counting tickets at the box office. Sat 1 April , 2 pm, Schubertkino 3, Graz www. Diagonale — Festival of Austrian Films www. Catharsis International Film Festival — Belgium catharsisinternationalfilmfestival.

    Annual Kopenhagen Film Festival www. Program director: Karl Kern. Edinburgh — Manipulate Visual Theatre Festival www. Trondheim — Minimalen 29 Short Film Festival www. UFO - Kurzfilmfestival — Leipzig ufo-leipzig. Let's talk about scripts! Virgil Widrich has a cameo appearance.

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    Seoul International New Media Festival www. Completion of the animated film "Vienna table trip" on The Essence Bei den Fischottern in der Ebene und auf den Bergen. Close-Up Film Centre — London www. The new website widrichfilm. Completion of "Night of a Hours" after a total of 9 years work on Wien — Gartenbaukino www. Lissabon 16 — Indielisboa indielisboa. Avant-premiere of the film "Gerontophobia" by Boris Sverlow.